Guide to Russian Tax Law Research

Day 34: Antidote to Tax Law

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This guide provides basic information on the Russian tax system, including the sources of the tax law and their hierachy and the structure of the tax system, as well as useful links to different sources of tax information in English.

Russian legislation distinguishes between “tax” (nalog) and “duty” (sbor).  The latter is payable as one of the conditions of the performance by state authorities in relation to the duty payer of particular legally significant actions, such as the provision of particular rights or the issue of permits (licences).  Tax and duty are defined in Article 8 of the Tax Code.  According to Article 2 of the Tax Code, the tax legislation does not cover the rules for application of customs duties, unless otherwise specifically provided in the Tax Code. Continue reading

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Self-Drive Motoring holidays in Luxembourg.

Location of Luxembourg

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Make sure you Drive Alive! Drive on the right!

  • Be especially careful when setting off from service stations or restaurants on the left side of the road.
  • Take care when overtaking – allow more space between you and the car in front so you can see further down the road ahead.
  • Luxembourg has similar drink driving laws to the UK, only allowing 0.5 milligrams of alcohol per millilitre of blood.
  • Seat belts front and rear are obligatory everywhere.
  • Speed limits, shown below, are implemented rigorously. Radar traps are frequent.
  • Remember – Speeding and other traffic offences are subject to extremely heavy on-the-spot fines.
  • When approaching a roundabout give way to traffic already on the roundabout, on your left, unless signed otherwise.
  • There are no tolls on the autoroutes in Luxembourg. Continue reading
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Outrage and disenchantment in Greece ahead of austerity vote

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By Robert Marquand

The protests have become the largest social movement in Greece since martial law in 1974. More than a pushback against austerity, they hint at broad skepticism toward Europe’s leaders.

Athens

The upstart crowd camped out on Syntagma Square in front of the Greek Parliament is like no other in Greek history. Yes, it is rough around the edges. No, it does not have solutions to the years of debt and corruption that have Greece near default. Yet since May 24, the movement organized through social media has continued to swell and turned heads as a new voice of the people, the power of the Greek powerless.

Critically, it is largely nonviolent. On Tuesday, however, the violent fringes smashed windows and drew shots of tear gas from riot police. But this protest movement has been one of baby strollers and roasting corn rather than molotov cocktails, skinheads, or communist red flags. The only flag is Greek. Trotskyites and Orthodox priests tolerate each other. The usual anarchists and fascist suspects lurk only on the margins.

By mid-June, the gathering – a crazy quilt that shares elements of a tea party caucus, the Arab Spring, an antiglobalization rally, and a Haight-Ashbury commune – had become the largest social movement in Greece since martial law in 1974. These aganaktismenoi, or so-called outraged, earned enough public credibility to nearly end the government of Prime Minister George Papandreou on June 15 as it sought €28 billion ($40 billion) in new austerity cuts.

On Tuesday, public workers began a two-day strike to protest the austerity package that Greek parliamentarians are expected to vote on tomorrow. The deal would clear the way for Greece to receive European Union and International Monetary Fund loans to avoid a default on its sovereign debt. Brussels has taken a hard line, insisting that Greece will default unless it adopts more austerity cuts, including tax hikes, spending cuts, and privatization of government services.

Other peaceful citizens’ movements – called “indignants” – have emerged in Spain, Portugal, and Italy. A common theme is skepticism about elite politicians, and skepticism about European Union policies that view austerity as the only way to growth and solvency.

In Athens, on the sun-drenched square, the Greek protesters may prefigure deeper currents of disenchantment among rising populations of educated, but jobless young people who find something missing in the dream of Europe that burned brightly a decade ago. Many here speak of their protest in terms of an “awakening,” or as a new effort to “find the truth.”

The ‘indignants’

The improbable inspiration of the movements is a 93-year-old French Nazi resistance hero, Stephane Hessel, who came out of retirement last year to write a bestseller titled “Get Indignant!” that laments the loss of ideals and idealism in Europe, arguing that young people should not accept a future predetermined to be bleak and constricted. What’s unclear is where the new movements will go.

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£140 million raised by Liechtenstein tax amnesty

Flying Rowan. Near Glede Howe. Attributed with...

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A tax disclosure scheme with Liechtenstein has raised over £140 million, new figures from HMRC show.

By Leah Hyslop

The Liechtenstein Disclosure Facility (LDF) was introduced in October 2009 to help HMRC try to recover unpaid taxes on the millions of pounds hidden by wealthy Britons in the tiny European tax haven.

The scheme offers extremely generous terms to those who have previously failed to disclose their assets, applying for example only a 10 per cent penalty on unpaid taxes and guaranteeing that participants will not be prosecuted for tax offences.

Statistics released from HMRC yesterday show that by March 31 this year, 1,351 people had signed up for the scheme, up from 876 in September 2010 and 419 in March 2010. Continue reading

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Leading article: Berlusconi: Europe’s least credible legal reformer

CONSTANTINE PALACE, STRELNA. Italian Prime Min...

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The Italian prime minister has told reporters that he plans to complete his amendment of Italy’s judicial system, and to change the country’s constitution, before his term of office expires in 2013. The move comes as he is embroiled in no fewer than four trials which come to court in the next few weeks. A less credible judicial reformer is hard to imagine.

The most damaging trial will be one in which he is accused of paying for under-aged sex with a Moroccan nightclub dancer called Ruby, one of dozens of models and showgirls who performed stripteases and pole dances at his villa. He is also charged with abusing his office by asking police to release the dancer from custody after she was separately arrested for stealing jewellery. But there are three other cases, all related to his business empire. These latter cases had all been suspended under a law passed in 2010 granting Mr Berlusconi immunity from prosecution, but which Italy’s Constitutional Court partly swept away in January allowing the cases to start up again.

Mr Berlusconi’s response has been to claim he is the victim of a long-running campaign by left-wing judges, who must be “reformed”. He is also pushing through parliament measures to restore his immunity. The law went through the lower chamber on Wednesday and goes next before the upper house where Mr Berlusconi has a majority. When passed it will alter the statute of limitations, severely restricting the legal action which can be taken against him. One serious case against the Italian prime minister would end immediately.

The actions of Mr Berlusconi would be laughable if he were the president of some tinpot Ruritarian banana republic. But he is not that. Italy is one of Europe’s largest economies and its leader ought to be respected as an international statesman. Instead he is a morally bankrupt figure who, in the past, has been convicted and saved from jail only by appeals so protracted that the cases expired under Italian law. His idea that, after 2013, he could become the “father figure” for future centre-right coalitions is preposterous. That Mr Berlusconi cuts such a risible figure is a tragedy for Italy and for Europe.

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